Catarina Dutilh Novaes - Johannes Buridanus: Summulae de Propositionibus - Journal of the History of Philosophy 45:1 Journal of the History of Philosophy 45.1 155-156 Muse Search Journals This Journal Contents Reviewed by Catarina Dutilh Novaes Fordham University Ria van der Lecq, editor. Johannes Buridanus: Summulae de Propositionibus. Artistarium 10–1. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. Pp. xxv + 131. Paper, €40.00. John Buridan is now believed to be among the most influential later medieval philosophers, his philosophical analyses showing (...) considerable acumen over a wide range of fields. His logical masterpiece, the lengthy Summulae de Dialectica is composed of eight treatises, plus a treatise on.. (shrink)

Multiple generality has long been known to cause confusion. For example, “Everyone has a donkey that is running” has two readings: either (i) there is a donkey, owned by everyone, and it is running; or (ii) everyone owns some donkey or other, and all such donkeys run. Medieval logicians were acutely aware of such ambiguities, and the logical problems they pose, and sought to sort them out. One of the most ambitious undertakings in this regard is a pair of massive (...) diagrams (magnae figurae) which map out the logical interrelations of two sets of doubly-general forms. These appear in a fourteenth-century MS of John Buridan’s Summulae de Propositionibus. In this paper, I present these diagrams, and determine the truth conditions of their different forms. To that end, I have developed a bespoke system of diagrams to display their truth conditions. As we will see, such forms present significant difficulties for an all-encompassing account of the role form plays in logic. Accordingly, they can tell us important things about the role logical form plays in Buridan’s account of logical foundations. (shrink)

This volume is the first annotated translation in any language of the entire text of the Summulae de dialectica, by the Parisian master of arts John Buridan (1300-1358). One of the most influential works in the history of late medieval philosophy, the Summulae is Buridan's systematic exposition of his nominalist philosophy of logic. Buridan's doctrine spread rapidly and for some two hundred years was dominant at many European universities. His work is of increasing interest today not only to (...) historians of medieval philosophy but also to modern philosophers, several of whom find in Buridan's ideas important clues to problems of contemporary philosophy. Gyula Klima provides a substantial introduction to Buridan's life and work and discusses his place in the history of logic. Through extensive notes Klima assists philosopher and medievalist alike to read Buridan with understanding and insight. Those with a philosophical interest in the relations among the structures of language, thought, and reality will find much to ponder in the Summulae. (shrink)

Stephen Read - Johannes Buridanus: Summulae de Practica Sophismatum - Journal of the History of Philosophy 45:1 Journal of the History of Philosophy 45.1 157-158 Muse Search Journals This Journal Contents Reviewed by Stephen Read University of St. Andrews Fabienne Pironet, editor. Johannes Buridanus: Summulae de Practica Sophismatum. Artistarium 10–9. Turnhout: Brepols 2004. Pp. xlix + 193. Paper, €40.00. John Buridan was an unusual figure in fourteenth-century logic and philosophy. Logic was at that time largely the preserve of (...) the young, who would lecture on logic while studying in higher faculties such as theology, before moving on to lecture in their maturity on philosophy and theology. Two notable exceptions are the Englishman Walter Burley and the Frenchman from Picardy, John Buridan. Already active in the Arts Faculty at Paris in the late 1320s, Buridan was still there thirty years later. In the meantime, among other works on metaphysics, ethics, politics, and natural philosophy, he.. (shrink)

'De syllogismis' is the fifth treatise of John Buridan's 'Summulae dialecticae', a textbook he wrote for his logic course in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Paris. 'De syllogismis' contains material related to Aristotle's Analytica Priora and Boethius's 'De hypotheticis syllogismis'. The textbook discusses inferences involving not only propositions de inesse, but also propositions featuring oblique, reduplicative and infinite terms. Buridan displays a keen interest in modal inferences and inferences involving propositional attitudes. Buridan's De syllogismis continues along (...) the lines of his nominalist conception of the relations between mind, language and reality. (shrink)

This is a most significant publication. Buridan’s Summulae de Dialectica is among the finest contributions to philosophical logic, and aside from its own time, there is no better period than the present for it to be made available. No stage in the history of Western thought is closer to current work on logic and language than the fourteenth century. In their own way Ockham and Buridan dealt with the same central questions that Frege, Russell, Quine, Davidson, and Kripke have. (...) It has had quite a history—republished as late as 1740 and read carefully and cited by Schopenhauer. Anyone with a taste for logical problems will gain by studying this work, and not only gain, but enjoy it as well. We are in the debt of Gyula Klima and Yale University Press for this important publication. Klima has provided us with an excellent introduction to go along with his highly readable annotated translation. It would be a great service to the philosophical community if it were possible to make a much less expensive paperback version available. Yale University Press is to be commended for bringing out this and other works like it. However, while it is completely understandable why the book has its present price, I could not expect a graduate student in a class to purchase this relatively costly hardcover edition. (shrink)

Gennaro Chtjerchia, Dynamics of meaning: anaphora, presupposition, and the the of grammar. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1995.xv+ 270 pp, £59.95, £31.95 G. Pr...

"In this essay, I wish to question the view that the distinction between medieval and early modern philosophy is primarily one of method. I shall argue that what has come to be known as the modern method in fact owes much to the natural philosophy of John Buridan (ca. 1295-1361), a secular arts master who taught at the University of Paris some three centuries before Descartes. Surrounded by conflicts over institutional governance and curricular disputes, Buridan emerged as a forceful voice (...) for the independence and autonomy of teachers in the faculty of arts, arguing that philosophy as properly practiced belonged to them, the "artists artistae", not to those who taught in the so-called 'higher' faculties of theology, law, and medicine. Now such voices had been heard before at Paris, most notably from Averroist arts masters in the late 13th and early 14th-centuries.(*) Buridan is different, however, because unlike Boethius of Dacia and John of Jandun, he knew how to make the case for artistic autonomy without denigrating the theology and thereby inviting official condemnation. His trick was not to argue that there are 'two truths', one acquired and the other revealed, which might well come into conflict with each other, or that propositions whose truth has been revealed in scripture in no way qualify as scientia. It was rather to recognize the profoundly different methods of theology and philosophy, without losing sight of the fact that what counts as evidence in a proof in natural philosophy does not work in a theological argument, even if both have the same conclusion, such as that the human soul is immortal. Buridan seems to think that if only people would respect the differences between the rules of philosophical and theological inquiry, no conflicts would arise. He is not so naive as to claim this could ever happen, of course. But it does explain why he almost always diagnoses such conflicts in terms of some logical or linguistic confusion on the part of the people who propose them. Buridan is also different because in him the secularizing sentiment already present in the Latin Averroists begins to take shape as a way of doing philosophy, i.e., as a philosophical grammar.. (shrink)

Resumen En este artículo, busco clarificar algunos aspectos de la teoría del nombre de fray Luis de León contenida al comienzo de De los nombres de Cristo mediante una comparación con obras de lógica escolástica, particularmente las Summulae de Pedro Hispano y el tratado homónimo de Domingo de Soto. Procuraré mostrar que dicha teoría solo puede comprenderse acabadamente desde esta perspectiva, sin negar la relevancia de otras, en una medida mayor que la que hasta ahora han presentado los investigadores. (...) Me ocuparé especialmente de la presencia de los conceptos de “término simple”, “suppositio” y “significatio”, y del modo en que fray Luis los articula de tal forma que resulten claramente reconocibles en sus detalles por quien está versado en ellos y, al mismo tiempo, pone su sentido filosófico originario al servicio de la intención fundamental de su obra.In this article, I seek to clarify some features of fray Luis de León ’s theory of names which he presents in a passage at the beginning of De los nombres de Cristo by making a comparison between thatpassage and some scholastic treatises on logic, especially the Summulae by Peter of Spain and the homonymous work by Domingo de Soto. Specifically, I expect to show that the theory can be fully understood only on these grounds. I shall dealparticularly with the concepts of “simple term”, “suppositio” and “significatio”, and the way in which fray Luis articulates them, with the result that the scholastic elements can be clearly recognized by those who are acquainted with them and, at the same time, contribute with their essentialphilosoph- ical meaning to the fundamental objectives of the work. (shrink)

On 26 July 1240 Walter de Cantilupe, bishop of Worcester , held a diocesan synod in his cathedral church, where he issued a set of synodal statutes regulating the life and pastoral activities of his diocesan clergy. In calling this synod, Walter put himself in the company of many other prelates who sought to enact statutes in keeping with the reforming spirit of the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215. His statutes are comparable to those produced in many other dioceses during (...) the first decades of the thirteenth century. In one respect, however, Walter pursued an innovative path which he shared with a small group of contemporary English bishops during the 1230s and 1240s. These prelates, recognizing both the limitations of public assemblies and the potential for educating their clerics by means of written texts, supplemented their diocesan statutes with brief treatises designed to explain in more detail certain aspects of pastoral care. Alexander of Stavensby was probably the first to append such tracts; one treatise on confession and another on the seven deadly sins were circulated with his synodal statutes. (shrink)

Nelle Summulae del salmantino Domingo de Soto, la teoria della proposizione sembra rivelare un’irrisolta tensione tra l’opzione per la prospettiva terministica, la quale considera il significato della proposizione come il risultato dell’analisi semantica dei suoi componenti, e l’opzione per la prospettiva ‘dictistica’, che si concentra sul riferimento e sul senso globale della proposizione. La struttura della proposizione mentale, pur determinata in maniera ‘causale’ dalle sue componenti, il nome e il verbo, viene d’altronde a costituirsi in maniera ‘uni-qualitativa’, ossia per (...) mezzo di un unico atto mentale, con il quale si designa uno stato di cose esterno . Il ‘valore di verità’ della proposizione, espresso sintatticamente mediante l’unione o la separazione di un termine da un altro, viene a denotare la conformità a un modo d’essere delle cose nella realtà. (shrink)

I. Logic et ontologia. Editio nona recognita et adaucta. 1942.--II. Cosmologia et psychologia. Editio octava, recognita et adaucta. 1940.--III. Theodicaea et ethica. Editio septima, recognita et adaucta. 1941.

This book is a translation of Petrus Hispanus' 13th century text.

En el presente artículo describo un octágono de oposición y equivalencia desarrollado por lógicos del siglo XIV, especialmente por Jean Buridan en su Summulae de dialectica. Dicho �cuadro� de oposición ofrece relaciones lógicas muy complejas, alguna de las cuales no está presente en el cuadrado tradicional de oposición. El octágono nos servirá para expresar tres tipos de oraciones: oraciones modales cuantificadas, oraciones oblicuas y oraciones con cuantificación explícita del predicado. El octágono muestra que la lógica medieval del siglo XIV (...) ofrece ya una lógica de relaciones, una lógica de la identidad y una lógica modal comparable a la lógica de nuestros días. (shrink)

I describe an octagon of opposition and equivalence developed by fourteenth-century logicians, in particular by Jean Buridan in his Summulae de dialectica. This «square» of opposition displays complex logical relations, one of which is not found in the traditional square of opposition. The octagon allows expression of three kinds of sentences: quantified modal sentences, oblique sentences, and sentences with quantified predicates. The octagon shows that medieval logicians were working with a logic of relations, an identity logic, and a modal (...) logic not unlike the logic of our own day. (shrink)

1. Summa logicae.--2. Expositionis in libros artis logicae prooemium et Expositio in librum Porphyrii De praedicabilibus. Expositio in librum praedicamentorum Aristotelis. Expositio in librum perihermenias Aristotelis. Tractatus de praedestinatione et de praescientia Dei respectu futurorum contingentium.--3. Expositio super libros elenchorum.--4. Venerabilis inceptoris Guillelmi de Ockham Expositio in libros Physicorum Aristotelis. Prologus et libri I-III.--5. Venerabilis inceptoris Guillelmi de Ockham Expositio in libros Physicorum Aristotelis. Libri IV-VIII.--6. Brevis summa libri physicorum, Summula philosophiae naturalis, et Quaestiones in libros physicorum Aristotelis.

This article provides a basic general introduction to Ramus, and evaluates his role in the history of logic and rhetoric, especially with relation to the study of argumentation. The author agrees with Ong and other historians of logic that Ramus is not to be taken seriously as a logician, and that his undoubted importance in the history of ideas is to be found elsewhere.Ramus advocates a belief in nature, experience and reason, and rejects the reliance on the authority of ancient (...) philosophers, above all Aristotle, though ‘experience’ does not mean scientific experiment and, paradoxically, includes the example of great philosophers and writers. In the end Ramus is seen as responsible for substituting for ancient classical rhetoric an entirely ornamental rhetoric of figures which was to take over education (with the exception of the Jesuit schools) almost until our own day. This curtailing and diminishing of rhetoric is seen as a degeneration. Ancient five-part rhetoric had been concerned with convincing and persuading: Aristotle distinguished the analytic, scientific reasoning of logic, from dialectic which was based on opinion and probability and had close links with rhetoric; by the time of Cicero and Quintilian, who addressed themselves to jurists and politicians, logic has given way to dialectic. In the Middle Ages and the Renaissance the two become assimilated; the evolution of this is traced here through the thirteenth-century Summulae logicales of Peter of Spain to the fifteenth-century German humanist logician Rudolph Agricola, who influenced Ramus partly through the intermediary of Johann Sturm. Ramus took over their topical theories but restricted them to logic/dialectic, and left rhetoric with little more than tropes and figures. He believed that there was only one method for teaching all the arts, and one dialectic common to them all. The distinction between analytical and dialectical has disappeared, with far-reaching consequences for the study of argumentation. Over the centuries logic has lost its connection with controversy and persuasion. With the development of the post-Cartesian, post-Baconian emphasis on the clarity of scientific discourse, and the mid-nineteenth-century interest in mathematical and formal logic, the process was complete. Argumentation, or the ‘new rhetoric’, aims to fill the gap thus created. (shrink)

John Buridan was the most famous philosophy teacher of his time, and probably the most influential. In this important new book, Jack Zupko offers the first systematic exposition of Buridan's thought to appear in any language. Zupko uses Buridan's own conception of the order and practice of philosophy to depict the most salient features of his thought, beginning with his views on the nature of language and logic and then illustrating their application to a series of topics in metaphysics, natural (...) philosophy, and ethics. Part 1 of John Buridan considers the picture of language and logic developed in Buridan's Summulae de dialectica. Buridan systematically overhauled the logic he first learned and later taught at the University of Paris, redeeming the older tradition of Aristotelian logic in terms, propositions, and arguments. This made possible newer and more powerful forms of philosophical discourse. The second part of this volume provides a reading of Buridan's philosophy, showing how this discourse shaped his treatment of speculative questions such as the relation between soul and body, the nature of knowledge, the proper subject of psychology, the function of the. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Philosophy 42.2 (2004) 219-220 [Access article in PDF] Jack Zupko. John Buridan: Portrait of a Fourteenth-Century Arts Master. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003. Pp. xix + 446. Cloth, $70.00. Paper, $40.00. What does the name "John Buridan" call to mind? For many, including medievalists, not much at all—at best, perhaps, a set of apparently unrelated ideas: nominalism; an impetus theory of (...) projectile motion; and a peculiar account of the will (although "Buridan's ass," the indecisive donkey caught between two equally appetizing bales of hay, is not found in Buridan's writing). In correcting this ignorance—an injustice to arguably the most famous and influential philosopher of the early-to-mid-fourteenth century—the temptation might have been to articulate Buridan's "positions" on "the big questions," allowing readers to fit Buridan into received categories. Thankfully, the present work, the first book-length study of Buridan in any language, resists this temptation. The John Buridan that emerges from Jack Zupko's skillful "exercise in philosophical portraiture" doesn't serve to simply fill gaps in our awareness of the historical record, but to enlighten and challenge our understanding of the practice of philosophy and the study of its history.Zupko emphasizes throughout that Buridan was a teacher, a master of arts in Paris. Buridan's pedagogical concerns help make sense of his central work in logic. As the basis for his arts lectures, Buridan chose Peter of Spain's Summulae Logicales, but in commenting on Peter, Buridan moves beyond creative exegisis to comprehensive renovation. Buridan (c. 1300-c. 1361) naturally wanted to accommodate terminist or via moderna supposition theory; but more importantly, he wanted a logic text that would set out a general plan of philosophical inquiry, "a compendium of methods, a 'how-to' book for the philosopher" (135). Buridan thus designed his own Summulae de Dialectica as a new authoritative logic text, and Zupko persuasively argues that its "nominalism" should be understood as less a set of doctrines in theoretical logic, than a program of logical practice, an education in logic as the ars artium, the universal intellectual tool.Zupko's portrait of "Buridan's vision of the philosophical enterprise" is thus appropriately divided into two parts. The first summarizes Buridan's method as described in the individual treatises of his Summulae. The second displays the method in practice, rehearsing and evaluating some of Buridan's arguments on various subjects. Many scholars will gravitate first to the latter part, where Zupko offers important interpretations and clarifications of Buridan's views. In these chapters, Zupko helps us to appreciate, among other things: how the problem of universals served to help Buridan define the scope of philosophy (ch. 10); the philosophical modesty of Buridan's account of the intellectual soul's presence in the body (ch. 11); the relationship between Buridan's epistemology and the skepticism of his Parisian contemporary Nicholas of Autrecourt (ch. 12); the sense in which Buridan is an "empiricist," viz an epistemic naturalist and reliabilist (ch. 13); how Buridan regarded moral psychology as applied physics, treating virtue as a kind of impetus (ch. 14); how Buridan's account of freedom can be regarded as a "perfection" of Thomistic intellectualism (ch. 15).Throughout these discussions, Zupko always keeps in sight his larger purpose of illustrating Buridan's conception of philosophical inquiry. Zupko makes much of the fact that [End Page 219] Buridan never wrote as a theologian, remaining his entire career in the arts faculty, where he wanted logic to organize secular inquiry. As Zupko notes, in this way Buridan's scholastic project seems to prefigure the "modern." But Buridan seems modern in another way as well. As Zupko points out in his "Introduction," though a cleric, Buridan never joined a religious order, so that his ideas developed independently of the Franciscan and Dominican traditions. He was, then, a teacher without a tradition—at least without deliberate allegiance to tradition, although he was in many ways the product of traditional scholastic intellectual discipline.Perhaps this... (shrink)

John Buridan was the greatest of the medieval logicians. His massive logical text, the Summulae de Dialectica, has been available in a first rate English translation for well over a decade. Now it is joined by his other major logical work, the Treatise on Consequences. The translation provided here runs about a hundred pages. Chapters 1 and 3 concern consequences involving non-modal propositions, and chapters 2 and 4 concern modals. Buridan is a very clear writer, and Read has provided (...) a translation that is both accurate and readable. The book has a helpful introduction.A consequence is a proposition in conditional form such that things cannot be as its antecedent signifies without also being as its.. (shrink)

This is a marvelous book, a “must read’ for anyone interested in understanding the philosophical debates of the later Middle Ages and a useful book for contemporary philosophers who will find in it a sophisticated articulation of a philosophical position well able to provide perspective on a number of contemporary debates. It is exceptionally well-written, clear, and insightful.We are now in a fairly good position to understand Buridan’s role in later medieval philosophy, his general philosophical orientation, and the milieu in (...) which he worked. What we have lacked is a detailed study of the core of his philosophy, and it is this gap that Gyula Klima’s book splendidly fills—just as our picture of Buridan’s thought is coming into focus. Much of Buridan’s work is either unedited or exists only in incunabula, and there are underway editing projects of central texts that will shed considerable new light on the man and his work. We are fortunate, however, to have already a splendid English translation of and commentary on Buridan’s massive and rich Summulae de dialectica by Klima himself, and this, together with incunabula and with recent editions of some of his other logical works, forms a sufficient basis of text for reasonable confidence that Klima’s. (shrink)

The idea that the state ought to be neutral towards different conceptions of the good life has been an influential principle in liberal theory since the 1970s. It has, however, been subject to criticism by communitarians, multiculturalists and liberal perfectionists. Recently, Peter Balint has attempted to defend state neutrality against its liberal critics as the adequate interpretation of the liberal project by redefining it as a range concept. By arguing that neutrality always occurs within a specific range of permissible conceptions (...) of the good life, Balint provides a convincing rebuttal of neutrality’s critics. In this paper I argue that while neutrality as a range concept provides an adequate account of state neutrality, it also makes it vulnerable to a new line of critique. Since the range of neutrality cannot be deduced from the principle of neutrality itself, neutrality is subject to political developments beyond its own control. I will start by clarifying the notion of neutrality as a range concept. Secondly, I will demonstrate that Balint’s notion of the range concept finds ample support in the wider literature on neutrality. Thirdly, I will argue that, as a range concept, neutrality ultimately depends on politically constituted value judgments. (shrink)